Stand for Something or You will Fall for Anything: On Occupy THIS Movements

Admittedly, this may ruffle some feathers, but when the spirit calls me to write I cannot ignore the will. My intention is not to chastise anyone or any group of people. If anything let this be the tool broaden the discussion of liberating spaces and minds for African people by African people. Let us be critical of our engagement, diligent with our research and study, and adamant about demanding more from ourselves than from other people. Responses are more than welcome and dialogue is passionately encouraged. Hotep.

The goal of this impromptu treatise is to bring an (albeit, mine) African consciousness to the current discussion on trends in political movement building. All too often, speakers and leaders over current movements parallel action taken against particular issues with that of the coordinated and (arguably) purposefully organized actions of the 1960s civil rights movements. I write this to express my concern for the blind participation and coalition building efforts on behalf of African people with movements such as these that are not aligned with the plight of their reality nor aligned with their historical or cultural self-concept.

I call on the great historian and classroom teacher Baba John Henrik Clarke as a reflection of how crucial it is to tie our involvement and any calls for solidarity to something stronger than fleeting emotions or flavor of the week causes to protest. Baba Clarke said, "All of history is a current event. The events which transpired five thousand years ago; Five years ago or five minutes ago, have determined what will happen five minutes from now; five years from now or five thousand years from now.” If we do not heed these words as we organize we will fall privy to same pseudo-liberation movements that have further served as political and economic entrapment for African people in America over the last five centuries.

The goal of this essay is three-fold. First, we must clearly identify and label Occupy Wall Street and its bastard children throughout the nation as a white liberal political movement not acting in the interest of African people. Secondly, we must admit and accept that American democracy is a fraud. Actions put forth assuming that we live in a democratic state that responds to the people are ill-conceived and detrimental to the progress of Africans in America. Lastly, we must re-issue and improvise upon the call of African unity against economic, political and cultural imperialism. Our intellectual and spiritual ancestors have paved the way for the fight for African solidarity to continue. In the words of African scholar Waziri Junayd, written over 500 years ago, "Whoever does not inform his children of his grandfathers, then has destroyed his child, marred his descendants, and injured his offspring the day he dies. Whoever does not make use of his ancestry, then he has muddled his reason. Whoever is not concerned with his descent, then he has lost his mind. Whoever neglects his origin, then his stupidity has become critical. Whoever does not cause his ancestry to be abundant, then his incompetence has become great, Whoever does not increase his place of descent, Then he has abolished his honor.” We cannot forget on whose shoulders we stand, what legacy we have to live up to.

Admittedly, I have been shying away from the Occupy Wall Street movement. I am not one to believe any of the lies purported by the mainstream media so I am not influenced by the right wing agenda’s attempt to nullify the momentum of this movement. It is indeed real and something to pay attention to, but it is not the movement that requires the solidarity of African people. Many political commentators have criticized Occupy Wall Street for lacking diversity or unity with minority peoples, but it is not with the proper frame of mind that these criticisms are reported. The reasons for the lack of participation in the majority movement vary from the bitter reality of not having time or resources to be away from their home or work for any amount of time to the absurdity of the majority to think this is something NEW happening in American political economics. This leaderless movement neglects to present clearly outlined objectives about the intentions of the occupiers and the purposes of aligning with this movement. Lest we not forget what we were all taught when we were young, “Stand for something or you will fall for anything”. Joining in solidarity with a movement that refuses to list concrete demands means that your alliance is for empirical data recording (tokenism!) and ultimately may end up with you acting as a sacrificial lamb in the salvation of your oppressor. The OWS movement rises from the complaints of the majority that they are not benefitting from the wealth of the 1%. If this was a noble cause, these individuals would have been preaching “solidarity” for the last 400 years Africans in America have been living with an economic and political foot on their neck. Know this… if there is redistribution of wealth among the 99%, let’s check where the black people will fall… oppression is still oppression even if it is equalized through the classes of the oppressor.

After attending Occupy Milwaukee meetings, I was reminded of precisely the cultural and political frameworks, which this movement is propelling. For one, the majority (read: white) led aspect of this movement is not for socialist or communal economics. Understand that their interest is in joining the 1%, receiving the benefits of an oppressive and exploitive regime and once their needs (and wants) are met, they too will go back to paying no attention to what is happening to African people, let alone any minorities in the City of Milwaukee.

Now, understanding that the OWS movement is not in the interest of liberating African or non-white peoples in America. We must critically analyze our political engagement with the system. Occupy the Hood has risen up in cities across the country as an attempt to bring people of color into the conversation. I’m reminded of the Elizabeth Stanton and Susan B. Anthony and the Suffrage Movement. African women were not included in the picture, however, when sheer numbers were needed, these women who were fighting to be as strong as their oppressive counterparts took in African women and then readily marginalized them once their numbers were achieved. Be cautious African people, the suffragist/feminist movement is just an example of being bamboozled, hoodwinked and lied to in the name of solidarity against your liberation.

Here in Milwaukee, there is a drive for the community to politically engage against SB 207 which relates to permitting an employer to refuse to employ or to bar or terminate from employment an individual who has been convicted of a felony and who has not been pardoned for that felony and preempting cities, villages, towns, and counties from adopting provisions concerning employment discrimination based on arrest or conviction record that prohibit activity that is allowed under the state fair employment law. On the surface, it makes perfect sense to fight against further disenfranchisement of those who have paid their debt to society and are attempting to become productive (tax-paying) members of the American workforce. However, there are two things that must be consider. First, according to the statistics, Milwaukee’s unemployment rate is slightly under the national average, ranging from 7-8% month. However, the Atlanta Post reported this summer that black male unemployment was near 34% and in the black community as a whole, joblessness fluctuates between 40-50% annually. Let’s be very clear, having a felony is not the problem with job attainment in the city. I would like to know in what household are you going to convince two unemployed non-felons that they should be marching, protesting and carrying on the behalf of some white felons that are currently employed? Secondly, this bill is not an arbitrary attack on felons nor an action for corporations to protect themselves from lawsuits, this is a blatant attempt to attack wage labor. By passing this law, the scramble for wage labor jobs will become all the more intense and through the scramble for jobs wages can be lowered because felons (and others) with no job would rather have A JOB even if its paying less than they have ever made before. This isn’t about the felons, this is about creating a consistent pool of cheap labor. Not to mention, if felons can’t find work, there is an increased chance or recidivism thus requiring more jail time. More jail time would mean more people in jail. More people in jail would mean more space in jails. More space in jails would require more jails. More jails would mean more arrests to fill the jails and the cycle of the prison industrial complex not only rears its ugly head but makes its presence the focal point of this government tactic.

If this is the reality, no democratic action by the people will prevent this from happening. If a law is going to be passed, it is going to be passed, with or without the support of the people. It is my hope and prayer that I’m proven wrong. Until then, directing our energy in using the democratic process to stop the chain of oppression from strengthening its chokehold on the black community is an utter and complete waste of time.

With that being said, the prescription has already been called for by our ancestors and elders. We recall the words of the Honorable Marcus Mosiah Garvey when he said, “Emancipate yourselves from mental slavery, none but ourselves can free our minds.” We can not expect our liberation to occur through the efforts and organization by others. We must INDEPENDENTLY create the physical, intellectual, and spiritual space for us to liberate our entire African community. Further, we must admit that our causes are not the same as others and that we must critically examine what the intentions are behind calls for solidarity. Yes, relationships must be built with movements of other oppressed racial groups but it must be understood that Africans need to work in the best interest of Africans. Until we have built a liberated state, we cannot afford to divert any energy beyond restoration and healing of a people from this tragedy we are in called the maafa. In addition, occupations are valuable tactics to employ depending on the demands of the group employing them. What are we occupying? What are we trying to get? For whom does this matter? If we must discuss a potential occupation we have already to venues we should readily address as a community. First, we cannot ignore that black men and women are already in a full out occupation of the US penal system. We currently account for 30% of the prison population. How do we leverage this issue towards liberation? (Occupy our minds for minute, huh?) Secondly, the public education system was the FIRST institution to be attacked by the right wing agenda and we still have not mustered by the courage to OCCUPY SCHOOLS. It may be cliché to assert that the children are the future, but without them we will not survive this. We will not survive. In fact, the quest for liberating education should go beyond an occupation but resemble a full on TAKE OVER similar to the Freedom Schools Movement in the 1960s and propelled by independently OWNED and OPERATED schools that educated African children TO BE AFRIKAN without question or concern. It would be remiss to not recognize the institutions in DC, Atlanta, Houston, Philadelphia, St. Petersburg and throughout the continent that doing precisely THIS! Building a movement (reform?) and building institutions (revolutions?) are not the same thing and as African people, institution-building is currently our call.

Pardon the long diatribe but the grave and imminent danger we are putting the community in by participating, coalitioning, and supporting a mass movement that ultimately will further strengthen the oppression against African people is too great to ignore. We owe it to ourselves, our ancestors, and the BEAUTYFUL ONES not yet born to fight for liberation on behalf of our own SELF-DETERMINED demands. Let us fervently educate, agitate, and organize on behalf of African people for African people.

ABIBIFAHODIE!

Remembering Kemet

Reflections on Malcolm X: A Life of Reinvention by Manning Marable

I finished the book less than 2 hours ago. These are my immediate reflections. I will be writing more as I take the time to process personally and research further. Peace.



On April 4th, 2011, Manning Marable’s much anticipated text on the life of Malcolm X hit the store shelves. Like many other blackademics, I pre-ordered my book and began reading it immediately. As a lover of historical writing and biography in general, there were a set of expectations that I had for this work. There is not a shortage of books discussing the life of Malcolm X on the library shelves. Many scholars have written about the iconic yet tragic life of our own black shining prince thoroughly combing through records attempting to reveal new and profound information. Simultaneously, scholars have attempted to discredit Malcolm not only has a contributor to the legacy of the black freedom struggle, but as a practicing Muslim, scholar, husband, and man. As a new work, I anticipated this book to contribute to the wealth of knowledge by adding new perspectives authenticated with new and relevant sources and facts. Unfortunately, I was severely disappointed. By no means am I a Malcolm X scholar, but the majority of the information presented seemed to amalgamate all previous books published while providing little new information.
The most contested assertion rests on information that has been interpreted to prove that Malcolm X participated in homosexual activity throughout his life. The debate has caused me great frustration. First, homosexuality is often the weapon of choice used by academics and psuedo-intellectuals to smear and tarnish the reputations of those who are antagonistic to the status quo and are lauded by oppressed communities throughout the world. Second, its unfortunate that homophobia, which undergirds this type of intellectual warfare, propels this discussion. The intention is to identify homosexuality as an unforgivable character flaw that repudiates the entire life’s work of a given individual. In addition, it posits the theory that we are defined by our sexual practices and alliances and not our character, not our work, and especially not our attempts to liberate ourselves and the community.
As a scholar, especially as biographer, it is important to not only substantiate claims about the personal lives of those we are repositioning in new texts but to draw direct connections between that information and the legacy the individual leaves behind. It is unfortunate that Marable fails to make that connection. For example in chapter 14, which represents November 24, 1964 - February 14, 1965, Marable states “Malcolm appears to have begun an illicit sexual affair with an eighteen-year-old OAAU secretary names Sharon 6X Poole. Little is known about her or about their relationship expect that it appears to have continued up to Malcolm’s death.” Considering Marable’s timeline this “illicit affair” would have lasted at most two and a half months. What does this uncorroborated assertion bring to the legacy of Malcolm X other than to besmirch his credibility? Just as there is so much more to Malcolm’s legacy, there is so much more we should hold Marable accountable for addressing.
Thematically, Marable asserts that Malcolm’s life was one of continuous reinvention. By using a linear chronology antithetical to the Pan-Africanist cyclical ideology that Malcolm ascribed to towards the end of his life, Marable uses specific dates to identify periods of Malcolm’s life that demarcated the end of one persona and the beginning of another. I wholly agree that Malcolm experienced several transformations especially concerning his social and political views as many individuals do. However, despite reinvention as a theme Marable only allows Malcolm to change on the surface and continually brings up things that were associated with his past and uses them to define Malcolm as a man. He continuously uses prior insinuations as motivations for action or inaction despite the chronologically marked and identified reinvention of Malcolm’s life. In particular, this method is used to describe and justify aspects of Malcolm’s relationship with his wife, Betty Shabazz.
Though Marable died shortly before the release of this work, current critiques are not an attempt to discredit him as a scholar. Marable will be remembered for all that he contributed to intellectual history. Lively debate concerning his work does not demean his legacy, but merely reaffirms his prominence among the academic community.
Ultimately, this book is a useful resource for all those interested in the legacy of Malcolm X. It should not be considered the definitive work of our own black shining prince, but serve as a catalyst for further research discussion and debate. Excellent points are made about Alex Haley’s work on The Autobiography of Malcolm X as well as great information about the history of the Nation of Islam and the development of the Muslim Mosque, Inc. and the Organization of Afro-American Unity. I was thoroughly impressed with the geographic tracking of Malcolm while he was in Africa. Aligning his ideological development with his travel to countries experiencing various political changes deeply defines the essence of Malcolm’s Pan-Africanist views. In essence, reclaiming our history by finding the truth delivered in works such as these is the bold attempt of a historically disenfranchised intellectual heritage to recreate, redefine, and reaffirm the beauty of our icons and the humanity of our people, the fundamental expression of freedom, an ideal that Malcolm always held at the forefront of his livelihood. Let us embrace further discussion and heated debate as a pathway for truth. Hubert Humphrey said it clearly, “Freedom is hammered out on the anvil of discussion, dissent, and debate.”

Abibifahodie.

Summary and Critique of Diane Ravitch’s “The Death and Life of the Great American School System”

Summary and Critique of
Diane Ravitch’s “The Death and Life of the Great American School System”

Prior to reading this book, I did not know much about Diane Ravitch, her politics, or her analysis of education in America. I was briefly introduced to her when a colleague shared her notable 2010 article in the New York Times entitled, “The Myth About Charter Schools,” after a staff viewing of Waiting for “Superman”. (Ironically, I was working at a new charter school in Philadelphia at the time.) I thoroughly enjoyed her critique and analysis of the perpetuation of myths regarding public education through this highly publicized and highly funded cinematic campaign for charter schools. To say the least, I was curious to dive deeper into her exploration regarding the charter school movement by reading her newest work “The Death and Life of the Great American School System”.
To understand the significance of this work, it must be understood that this text was birthed out of a woman who for decades with an extreme amount of zeal and academic fervor supported the exact reforms and strategies she is now finding antithetical of democracy. In the opening chapter, Ravitch anecdotally describes how she came to understand her new position on public education. She refers to this realization as an “intellectual crisis” and a “wrenching transformation” on her perspective. After completing the book, I would consider this more of a self “weheme mesu” (Weheme mesu is translated from mdw ntr, the language of the ancient Egyptians, as “the repetition of the birth”. This is the first expression of the concept of renaissance in history. See “Reflections on the Revision of The African Centered Paradigm” by Jacob Carruthers.) , more commonly known as a renaissance, of sorts. Her original philosophy has rebirthed. She is again, who she once was. Admittedly, she states that she was swept up in a wave of quick fixes for problems in the education system and as she details in the chapters, various working relationships and political tides of the decades inadvertently caused her to think and act in opposition to her original philosophy on education.
Using the following chapters, Ravitch critically examines the ideological path of charter school and privatization movement. Chapter 2, entitled “Hijacked! How the Standards Movement Turned into the Testing Movement” sheds light on how her professional development coincided with the political views of education reform. Ravitch describes how her work, under President G. H. W. Bush’s administration, to create voluntary national curriculum standards was single-handedly destroyed by Lynne V. Cheney and her accusation that the draft for the subject of history leaned towards political propaganda. This sparked a debate on what, who, when, and where should hold influence in history curriculums nationwide. Once that debate entered the political arena, standards were quickly abandoned and a more favorable accountability measure was pushed: high-stakes testing.
Chapters 3, 4, and 5 give explicit examples of how this new focus on reform played out in several noted districts in the United States. Ultimately, these stories do not have happy endings. However, the quick wins that were presented by the several administrations mentioned overshadowed the harsh reality that nothing had really changed for any of the districts. Academic success as heralded in the media by the administration in those districts were the result of data manipulation, staff coercion, and the pupeteering of student populations.
Chapters 6 and 7 discuss the impact of national and local legislation on education. Nationally, No Child Left Behind, enacted in January of 2002 under President George W. Bush, was a school accountability plan focused on strict measurement and severe consequences. President Barack Obama recently reenacted this legislation. Though bipartisan, NCLB has some harsh critics. Ravitch herself saw no initial problem with the system, but now is highly critical in its attempts to foster “proficiency” in mathematics and reading across the country. Even more interesting is the concept of choice and its development in Milwaukee, Cincinnati, and Washington, DC. Ravitch presents that these new options in the districts did not effectively impact the system as anticipated. The main reason for this was due to the fact that not many families took up the opportunity to use their “choice”. In addition, the rating systems used to determine choice eligibility proved arbitrary and inaccurate in many districts.
The final chapters are a presentation of Ravitch’s analysis of the situation at hand. Discussing her high school teacher, Mrs. Ratliff, she thinks about the concept of a great teacher. As a student, she felt that her teacher was wonderful and in retrospect she suspects that Mrs. Ratliff would not have been as great if she was under all of the regulations and assessments that teachers under NCLB must endure. Teacher accountability is extremely important, but measuring that accountability should not sacrifice the quality of actual learning that occurs in the classroom. However, chapter 10 was the most interesting to me. Ravitch discusses the impact foundation funding has on the national education agenda. This is not surprising considering the history of philanthropy and education from Rosenwald to Rockefeller, the national education agenda has always been in the palms of foundations. Ravitch ultimately argues that the individuals running foundations are having the greatest impact on the reforms that are enacted. The checks and balance system that is the basis of American democratic philosophy ends with philanthropy. What a philanthropist determines with their checkbook, is not up for scrutiny. This is ironic considering that philanthropists are able to write these checks because of tax legislation that was intended to support social welfare. Private donations are essentially public dollars.
I thoroughly enjoyed reading this book. I think that Ravitch cleverly used her background in the history of American education as a backdrop for the discussion of current trends. In fact, I am now privy to many concepts in education that I had yet to explore. In addition, Ravitch’s personal narrative describing her “weheme mesu” is important considering her role and relationship to some of the major power players in education. I hope that her presentation in this book may enlighten and even influence individuals who still believe in educational quick wins and quick fixes to think broadly and realistically at the dire situation at hand. Reformers, policy makers, and historians should critically read this text and take Ravitch’s recommendations as a basis for educational revolution in the future.

Since then...

the timing of this is impeccable...

My last post was concerning the good morning text....

He doesn't exist anymore
I mean he is alive
But he needs not be a part of my world anymore
He is married
married
married.
He's sorry.
BUT he aint even sorry.
He's trifling,
and
the least bit remorseful about it.

I forget sometimes,
that I'm way to awesome for THEIR bullshit.

one thing I don’t need is any more apologies I got sorry greetin me at my front door you can keep yrs I don’t know what do wit em they don’t open doors or bring the sun back they don’t make me happy or get a morning paper didn’t nobody stop using my tears to wash cars cuz a sorry
Lady in Blue

He has contacted me twice.
No sir, we cannot be friends.
NAW NIGGA, GET THE HELL ON MAYNE.

the nerve. the absolute nerve.
the audacity of the 6ft 5in of bald headed man o sexiness
to think that i could ignore
the fact that
he's married.

this not is attached to a plant i've been watering since the day i met you you may water it
your damn self

friendship is awesome
when you deserve it
its rewarding
when you work hard it
but once you abuse it
or take it for granted
i'm completely over it

i am simply tired of collecting i didnt know i was so important to you i'm gonna haveta throw some away i cant get to the clothes in my close for alla the sorries i'm gonna tack a sign to my door leave a message by the phone if you called to say yr sorry call somebody else i dont use em anymore -Lady in Blue

with one final deep and complete eye roll...

door slam on alladat